Eritrea has rejected accusations by Ethiopia’s former president Mulatu Teshome that it is destabilising the northern region of its neighbour, arguing that Addis Ababa’s internal turmoil is the real threat to regional security.

The claims, published in an Al Jazeera op-ed on Monday (February 17), prompted a strong response from Eritrea’s Minister of Information, Yemane G. Meskel, who dismissed the allegations as a “false-flag alarm” aimed at diverting attention from Ethiopia’s domestic crises.

Mulatu’s allegations: Eritrea ‘seeks conflict’

In his op-ed, Mulatu accused Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki of actively working to “reignite conflict in northern Ethiopia,” describing his administration as “a pyromaniac that thrives on war.”

“For nearly half a century, Eritrea has been involved in almost every conflict in the region—from Sudan to Somalia and Ethiopia,” Mulatu wrote, alleging that Asmara has exploited Ethiopia’s internal divisions for political leverage.

He also claimed that Eritrean forces remained in disputed Ethiopian border areas despite the 2022 Pretoria Peace Agreement, which ended the war between Ethiopia’s government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Eritrea’s response: ‘scapegoating won’t work’

Eritrea’s Minister of Information, Yemane G. Meskel, dismissed the allegations, accusing Mulatu of attempting to justify a war-driven agenda.

“The panacea does not involve externalising the conflict or scapegoating Eritrea,” G. Meskel wrote on X, referring to Mulatu as a “former figurehead president” serving as a spokesperson for Ethiopia’s failed policies.

He denied any Eritrean interference, stating that Asmara has respect for Ethiopia’s sovereignty.

G. Meskel highlighted Eritrea’s historical grievances, stating that Ethiopia was the initial aggressor in the 1998-2000 border war, violating international law by occupying Badme and Adi Murug.

He noted that Ethiopia disregarded the 2002 Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruling until 2018, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed acknowledged the ruling.

Regarding the Tigray conflict (2020-2022), Yemane described it as entirely internal, arguing that Eritrea intervened only at Addis Ababa’s request following TPLF rocket attacks on Asmara.

He insisted that Eritrean forces entirely withdrew after the Pretoria Agreement, despite ongoing claims by Ethiopian officials about their continued presence in contested areas.

G. Meskel further pointed to Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions and its recent agreement with Somaliland as contributors to regional instability.

“The myriad problems besetting the region stem and find their fulcrum in Ethiopia, not elsewhere,” he said.

Ethiopia’s widening internal crisis

The diplomatic fallout comes as Ethiopia faces deepening domestic strife. As previously reported by bne IntelliNews, Tigray’s leadership remains divided, with interim leader Getachew Reda and former president Debretsion Gebremichael engaged in a power struggle. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s National Election Board (NEBE) has suspended the TPLF from political activity for three months due to a lack of compliance with the General Assembly.

The Amhara region is also in turmoil, with federal forces battling the Fano militia, leading to mass arrests, civilian casualties, and a media crackdown. In Oromia, clashes between Ethiopian forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) have intensified, displacing thousands of civilians.

After years of deadly war in Tigray and other regions, now more than 4.5mn people remain internally displaced, with worsening humanitarian conditions due to government-imposed aid restrictions, according to UN data.

The government has encountered accusations from international organisations and human rights watch of military crackdowns aimed at suppressing political dissent. This includes executing mass detention campaigns and detaining opposition figures, as well as journalists, alongside acts of repression against civil society. Such actions have provoked criticism from press freedom organisations regarding the escalating restrictions and authoritarian measures.

Ethiopia’s maritime gambit from Somaliland to Ankara

Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions have heightened regional tensions. In January 2024, Ethiopia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland to secure access to the Red Sea. Somalia rejected the deal, deeming it a violation of its sovereignty.

The two countries were ensnared in a year-long diplomatic rift until Turkey mediated negotiations to restore relations. During this period, Somalia strengthened its ties with neighbouring Eritrea and Egypt. Ethiopia’s relationship with Egypt remains strained over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), with no resolution in sight.

A geopolitical balancing act gone wrong?

Mulatu’s accusations and Eritrea’s rebuttals highlight Ethiopia’s growing diplomatic contradictions. Addis Ababa blames Eritrea for instability while battling multiple insurgencies within its borders.

Ethiopia sought Eritrean military support in Tigray but now brands Asmara as a regional aggressor. It also struck a deal with Somaliland, only to attempt reconciliation with Somalia later.

Shifting narratives dominate the region’s geopolitics, but Eritrea insists that Ethiopia’s biggest challenge lies within its borders.